Fashion in the Middle East Region: Casablanca Up-and-Coming

Source: Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University

The Internet has redefined fashion just as it has communication and business. In the last ten years, the fashion community has morphed from a seemingly exclusive world of magazine editors and established designers to a greater global community accessible to more people, especially anyone with a computer and an appreciation of style. The Internet has also given rise to a distinct cultural movement: street style.

Bill Cunningham of the New York Times has chronicled street style for years. The Internet has expanded street style from a “Sunday Styles” feature to a thriving celebration of individuality and personal taste. Almost every fashion magazine features a street style section on its website, and countless street style blogs are read on a daily basis. Street style translates trends from figments of the runways into real life, identifying trends as they are actually worn. Street style also sparks mutual appreciation for an outfit regardless of the country or culture of origin.

Morocco and the city of Casablanca is rapidly emerging as an up-and-coming city in the fashion world. Significant economic liberalization in conjunction with increased work opportunity for women has directly influenced the growth of fashion in Morocco. Established European chains such as Zara and Sandro have expanded to Morocco, and Elite Model Management, one of the world’s top agencies, has recently opened an office in Casablanca.

Read more here

Richard Peres (Photo: Today's Zaman, Mehmet Ali Poyraz)

An Interview with Richard Peres, author of the forthcoming Ithaca Press publication The Day Turkey Stood Still.

Researcher, writer: Richard Peres: Feb. 28

The author of The Day Turkey Stood Still: Merve Kavakci’s Walk into the Turkish Parliament

process isn’t over
11 March 2012 / YONCA POYRAZ DOĞAN , İSTANBUL
What are the facts surrounding the affair of Merve Kavakçı, who was kicked out of Parliament due to her headscarf in 1999 following the “post-modern coup” of Feb. 28, 1997?

The answer to this question and more comes in a book written by Richard Peres, who is an American researcher and writer. In the book, “The Day Turkey Stood Still: Merve Kavakci’s Walk into the Turkish Parliament” he notes that Turkey’s National Security Council (MGK), beginning on Feb. 28, defined Islamic movements as internal enemies.

Kavakçı was elected a deputy for the Virtue Party (FP) in the 1999 elections, but she was no ordinary lawmaker as she wore the headscarf, considered a violation of the principle of secularism in politics. Long before the oath ceremony, discussions in the media heated up as to whether Kavakçı would come to Parliament wearing a headscarf. Kavakçı, indeed, appeared in a headscarf to take the oath in Parliament on May 2, 1999. She was not only dismissed from Parliament, but was also stripped of her citizenship in 2001.

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The Sociology of Islam

Anthropology Review Database review of The Sociology of Islam

Reviewed 10 Dec 2011 by:
Jack David Eller
Community College of Denver

[The Sociology of Islam: Secularism, Economy and Politics, Imprint: Ithaca Press, Editor: Tugrul Keskin, ISBN: 9780863723711, Size: 235 x 155mm, 520pp]

ABSTRACT:    This valuable set of essays explores themes and processes in modern global Islam as well as national cases of Islam, illustrating the diversity, dynamism, and modernization of Muslim religion and identity.


It is desperately important to sociologize Islam, especially because academia and the general public alike have so consistently essentialized and even demonized it. Of course, with or without our realization, Islam issociologized, that is to say, shaped and refracted by social context and social experience. And also of course, anthropology has been exploring and exposing the social diversity and the social construction of Islam with increasing frequency and success.For these reasons, The Sociology of Islam is a welcome addition to our knowledge of the religion. The collection consists of nineteen essays, including an introduction by the editor, organized into four sections. As Keskin explains in the introduction, a transnational sociological study of Islam effectively constitutes an anthropology of Islam, since both “can be described as a systematic study of the social, political, and economic aspects and transformations of Muslim societies in the context of an increasingly globalized world” (p. 1). Indeed, in addition to invoking anthropologists like Ernest Gellner and David Harvey, the introductory comments identify a number of themes and concerns central to anthropology, such as the definition of “a collective Muslim identity” (p. 5), modernity and secularization, and neoliberalism and globalization. Finally, Keskin emphasizes the variety of Islam, in particular the shari’a-based Islam that most people know (and fear) as well as the market-oriented Islam that Keskin regards as “the ‘modernity-friendly’ version of Islam” (p. (16). In a word, “Islam is not a static religion” nor is it a single monolithic and asocial religion.

The first section, containing four chapters, is Islam, Economy, and Politics. These selections are particularly wide-ranging and thematic. For instance, Basak Ozaral examines the ‘moral economy’ of Islam or a specific ‘Islamic economics,’ characterized by “its emphasis on morality governing economic transactions, [which] has developed a substantial response to the challenges posed by a global economy shaped by modern rational capitalism” (p. 21). This articles provides some valuable information about Islamic concepts and institutions such as waqf (Muslim endowments), zakat (mandatory charity), and riba (usury or interest). Ovamir Anjum gives an analysis of ‘Islamic political tradition’ in the light of modernity in the Middle East, jumping off from the work of Olivier Roy and concluding that most Muslims seek both shari’a and democracy—seriously complicating both the question of the ‘compatibility’ of Islam with democracy and the very meaning of the term ‘democracy.’ Joshua Hendrick describes a particular instance of ‘neo-liberal’ and modern Islam, the Gulen Movement with its education network and its ‘apolitical politics.’ (For more on the Gulen Movement, see Turkish Islam and the Secular State: The Gulen Movement, also reviewed in ARD.) Husnul Amin reports on ‘post-Islamism’ in Pakistan, which differs from Islamism in that (1) “the appeal of Islam has dwindled,” (2) the more exclusive and puritanical form of Islam has yielded to “more inclusive, society-centric, vigilant accounts of individual liberties,” and (3) it promotes a secularization of state with being “anti-Islamic or secular” (p. 91-2). (For more on the sort of post-Islamism discussed in the chapter, see Islamism and Democracy in India: The Transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami, also reviewed in ARD.)

The second section, Globalization and Islam, also features four chapters, beginning with Corri Zoli’s discussion of ‘the multicultural ummah (Islamic community). Zoli argues effectively that a global deterritorialized Islam forces us to question the familiar state/territory frame of culture, as Muslims themselves “are actively contemplating Islamic identity and practice today in ways that delimit the contemporary ummah and, at the same time, define the limits of the nation state as a vehicle to capture this dynamic Muslim identity” (p. 138). Melanie Reddig follows with an overtly Bourdieu-ian approach to the ‘religious field’ of contemporary Islam, focusing on the Salafi school and the impact of colonialism and post-colonialism on “traditional religious authority in Islam” (p. 154). David Johnston adds a selection on two Islamic reformers, Yusuf al-Qaradawi and Chandra Muzaffar, who differ strongly in the future Islam they envision but who “share the burden of reshaping the way the Islamic tradition has been co-opted both authoritarian regimes and by extreme ‘puritanical’ movements such as the Taliban and al-Qa’ida” (p. 179). Jeremy Walton brings the section to a close with a presentation on ‘civil Islam’ and ‘liberal piety’ based on an ethnography of Muslim charitable foundations in Turkey.

The remaining ten essays, divided into two sections, are basically national case-studies. In the third section, Muslim Society in the West, authors investigate Islam in some surprising national settings for most audiences, including Poland (Katarzyna Gorak-Sosnowska), England (Leon Moosavi), Brazil (Cristina Maria de Castro), and Italy (Enzo Pace and Annalisa Frisina). In these instances, Islamic identity and organization are clearly linked to immigration and to the existence (if not establishment) of non-Islamic religion. Moosavi’s article on Britian particularly raises the issue of ‘Islamophobia’ (for more, see Thinking Through Islamophobia: Global Perspectives, also reviewed in ARD).

The final part, Islam and Muslim Societies, brings the discussion ‘home,’ after a fashion. Six essays consider Islam in Nigeria (Ogunbile), Malaysia (Joseph Tamney), Syria (Radwan Ziadeh), Indonesia (Siti Kusujiarti), and the United Arab Emirates (Kathryn Schellenberg and Mohamed Daasa). Collectively, they demonstrate the diversity with and the local influence on Islam, related in the various cases to ethnicity, economic development, and national politics. Two of the chapters are more thematic than the others: the chapter on the UAE explores expatriate workers in that small state, while Rachel Woodlock’s article on Islamic female dress is not only cross-cultural but also ‘cross-philosophical,’ importantly studying the question of female dress through four different Islamic ‘orientations,’ traditionalist, secularist, fundamentalist, and contextualist.

The Sociology of Islam is a very interesting and consistent anthology. Of course, as vast and complex as the topic, no single book could achieve the grand claim of being the sociology of Islam. However, these essays accomplish the goal of establishing that a sociology of Islam is possible and, more, that it is urgent. The chapters mostly represent ‘macro-sociology,’ most not engaging in the statistical preoccupations of much of ‘small’ sociology. In that regard, then, they have more in common with anthropology, which tends to explore and describe themes, processes, institutions, and experiences. Anthropologists can take some inspiration from the collection, which, most fundamentally and significantly, proves once and for all that Islam is not a static religion, nor a monolithic religion, nor an un-modernizable religion.

Anthropology Review Database review of The Society of Muslim Brothers

Lia, Brynjar
1998 The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic Mass Movement 1928-1942. Reading, UK: Ithaca Press.

Notes: xi, 328 p. : ill. ; ISBN 9780863722202
Reviewed 21 Jan 2012 by:
Jack David Eller <david.eller@ccd.edu>
Community College of Denver

A fascinating and important study of the founding years of the Muslim Brotherhood depicts it as not at all a ‘fundamentalist’ movement but a modernizing and institutionalized organization blending Islamic values with middle-class and nationalist interests—which finally appears to have achieved power after more than eight decades.

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Review of Political Alienation in Libya, by Zulaikha Abdullah for Middle East Monitor

Political Alienation in Libya Assessing Citizens’ Political Attitude and Behaviour by Mabroka al-WerfalliPolitical Alienation in Libya: Assessing Citizens’ Political Attitude and Behaviour, by Mabroka al-Werfalli, Ithaca Press, 2012, ISBN: 9780863723728, Hardback, 240pp

This is Dr Mabrouka al-Werfalli‘s timely offering for readers to gain a better understanding of Libya’s complex political, social and economic milieu in the wake of the 2011 revolution. The detailed findings of this empirical work are corroborated by Libya’s mass uprising and the bloody ensuing battle to wrest power from a regime popularly perceived as bereft of the moral and political legitimacy to rule. As a lecturer in the Department of Political Sciences at Libya’s Garyounis University over the last two decades, Dr al-Werfalli was well-placed to analyse and discern the sources of Libya’s shift towards the political discontent, resentment and alienation which led to the ousting of the Gaddafi junta. Al-Werfalli brings the full weight of her knowledge and experience to bear in this book which could have been read as a presentiment of events that were to come.

‘Political Alienation in Libya’ began as a first of its kind PhD research survey in 2001 to gauge local attitudes and behaviour toward the Gaddafi regime. Findings from the survey were developed subsequently into the book in its current form; it was completed in 2008

The book seeks to explore the relationship between popular recognition of a regime’s legitimacy and levels of political alienation, defined as a conscious rejection of the entire political system, by the population it purports to represent. Previous studies into the political legitimacy of Middle Eastern regimes have tended to approach the question on a systematic level. Conversely, ‘Political Alienation in Libya’ suggests consideration of the micro-level in efforts to conceptualise legitimacy and alienation as well as how to organise research into the subject. Accordingly, it represents a relevant and fresh contribution to research and understandings.

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A Review on Political Alienation in Libya

Political Alienation in Libya Assessing Citizens’ Political Attitude and Behaviour by Mabroka al-WerfalliPolitical Alienation in Libya: Assessing Citizens’ Political Attitude and Behaviour, by Mabroka al-Werfalli, Ithaca Press, 2012, ISBN: 9780863723728, Hardback, 240pp
The book is very useful to learn more about Libya’s modern history and to understand how Gaddafi’s regime originally claimed its legitimacy, managed to stay in power for so long and how the people’s suffering had to lead to the recent uprising and new independence that we’ve just witnessed. Source: Nahla Ink Online Journal 27 October 2011

Review and In Conversation with the Author


The Libyan academic, Mabroka Al-Wefalli, took a big personal risk when she first conducted a local survey in 2001, to question the Libyan respondents’ attitude towards their political regime and participation – or lack thereof – in the system’s so-called grassroots democratic organs. She also examined their views as to how the regime must legitimize its rule – or not – to remain in place for the foreseeable future.

As she explains to Nahla Ink: “From the early 1990s, I observed as a teacher at the political science department at the University of Garyounis, that criticism of Colonel Gaddafi’s regime was secretly increasing. But the method of expressing resentment, under such a coercive regime, was not only by withdrawing from political participation and deserting the basic popular congresses, but also by a growing sort of silent resistance; a political behavior that associates with political alienation.”

Taking months just to get a security permit to distribute her questionnaire in the Al-Orouba district in Benghazi, Werfalli found people quite unwilling, resisting and suspicious of her motives. She had to use her social clout and family connections to gain trust in people; and, even so, when she got her results, she had to flee the country to avoid her work being confiscated and compromised.

Completing the PhD dissertation from the Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies at the University of Exeter in 2005, she turned it into a book in 2008 and only recently published it with a great Afterward. It comes at a perfect time for those who wish to understand the underlying political, economic and social forces that led to the current Revolution. She says: “The Libyan armed revolution has actually confirmed my findings. I had hoped that the Libyan regime would make use of the information in the book before it was too late.”

The book identifies theoretic and practical links between legitimacy and political alienation – or lack of participation – and questions the regime’s organs of government. Drawing on socio-political theory and Max Weber, it looks back to the 1969 coup and how Gaddafi had revolutionary and charismatic legitimacy to begin with; as he then reflected people’s sentiments towards pan-Arabism, anti-Zionism and anti-Imperialism and rode high on the Egyptian Jamal Abdul-Nasser’s popularity and influence.

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10 Rules and 10 Translations from Dr. Issa J. Boullata

Dr Boullata has translated several books in the series Great Books of Islamic Civilization, by Garnet Publishing Ltd.

He has written and article called 10 Rules and 10 Translations on the Arab Lit blog. Here’s an excerpt:

Dr. Issa J Boullata is a Jerusalem-born Palestinian writer, literary scholar, critic, educator and translator. He started his career with a PhD in Arabic literature from London University in 1969 and went on to be a Professor of Arabic Literature at McGill University in Montreal. He introduced and translated the groundbreaking poetry anthology Modern Arab Poets, 1950-1975 (1976) and has given a number of contemporary Arab authors award-winning translations. He has also published his own novel and short stories, including the novel عائد إلى القدس and the English-language short-story collection A Retired Gentleman and Other Stories.

Ten Rules for Translation

Some translations from Arabic to English are commissioned by publishers or by interested institutions, and have therefore a sort of assured publication and remuneration. Others are ones of texts chosen by the translator, who has then to look for a publisher and negotiate terms and royalties. In all cases, my rules are the same.

(1) Translate only a text that you like and that gives you satisfaction on being published.

(2) Read the text well and, if possible, ask the author about meanings you may have missed or wanted explained.

(3) Accept the fact that cultures are different from one another, and that each has its own way of saying the same thing in possibly different words or ways.

Read the rest of the rules here.

Washington Post’s analysis on Iran is ignorant and Naive: There is more depth to what the Iranian people are doing

By Arash Hejazi

An article published in Washington Post on June 16 2011, called ‘In Iran, ‘couch rebels’ prefer Facebook’, claims — based on its interview with three or four Iranians, whose identity (except for Abbas Abdi) is not known — that the Iranian people have given up on their protests that started in 2009, because they prefer ‘playing Internet games such as FarmVille, peeking at remarkably candid photographs posted online by friends and confining their political debates to social media sites such as Facebook, where dissent has proved less risky’.

To someone who knows about the undercurrents of the Iranian society, this simple explanation shows how ignorant the Western media, and probably politicians, are in interpreting what’s really going on in the Middle East and the socio-politco-cultural differences in each country. I have seen more that one ‘political’ analysis or opinion pieces in the media that try in vain to compare the successful rebels or ‘revolutions’ in Egypt and Tunisia to Iran and Syria and Libya, while these comparisons cannot be more relevant than comparing the 1917 Revolution of Russia to the Independence wars of America.

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Book Review on Sexual Encounters in the Middle East

Sexual Encounters in the Middle East: The British, the French and the Arabs, by Derek Hopwood

Sexual Encounters in the Middle East: The British, the French and the Arabs, by Derek Hopwood

Sexual Encounters in the Middle East: The British, the French and the Arabs.
By Derek Hopwood. Reading, UK: Ithaca, 1999; paperback ed., 2006.
Pp. 308. $34.50 (paper).

From: The Journal of the History of Sexuality, April 2011

Kenne th M. Cuno
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Reading this book, I was reminded of an “ethnographic moment” I experienced in Egypt in 1998. After the US House of Representatives Judiciary Committee released the transcript of President Bill Clinton’s grand jury testimony regarding his affair with Monica Lewinsky, an Arabic translation of it appeared in Cairo. The cover featured an artist’s rendering of Ms. Lewinsky wearing her famous blue dress together with a leering President Clinton. But whereas the original dress had long sleeves, the Egyptian artist made the dress sleeveless, so that Ms. Lewinsky’s arms were exposed to the top of her shoulders. No respectable Egyptian woman bares her upper arms in public space. With this change the artist was sending an unmistakable signal that Ms. Lewinsky is a woman of loose morals—unmistakable, that is, to Egyptians but unnoticeable to most Westerners. This is but one small difference, among many, between Middle Eastern and European American sexual mores. When Derek Hopwood quotes an Egyptian complaining about “naked” European women going about in his country, I think I understand the context. Unfortunately, there is little such context in this book.
Hopwood’s book, despite its title, is really about the misunderstandings and fantasies that persist between northwestern Europeans (specifically, the British and French) and Arabs about the prevailing sexual mores and attitudes toward gender in each other’s societies. It is, moreover, lopsidedly devoted to the fantasies that Europeans (and one could say by extension Americans) have had about Muslims, in particular, Arabs, for the past several centuries. Only the closing chapter attempts to present Arab views of European sexuality. At the outset, Hopwood states as his aim “to describe and analyze an important—that is the sexual—aspect of the encounters which have taken place over the centuries between people from Britain, France and the Arab world.” He contends that “sexual attitudes have deeply influenced the Euro-Arab relationship,” that “sexual attitudes and proclivities” influenced “the way people reacted to each other” and thereby “influenced the course of history,” though in fact the book makes no effort to demonstrate exactly how the course of history was influenced (1–2). Rather, the author has collected a number of accessible sources through which he presents a narrative of British and French “sexual attitudes and proclivities” in and toward the Middle East and North Africa.
A study of the construction of modern Western notions of sexuality and sexual mores in the Arab world is certainly a worthwhile project, and the author was preceded in this field by and draws upon other authors such as Judy Mabro, Billie Melman, Malek Aloulla, Edward Said, Mohammed Sharafuddin, and Rana Kabbani.1 However, this book does not measure up to the analytical standard set by these authors. It lacks analysis and is merely a descriptive account that mainly presents a taxonomy of Anglo-French “attitudes and proclivities.”
The two more or less constant elements in the Western European view of Muslims and Arabs have been violence and lasciviousness. Hopwood
traces the development of these tropes from religious polemics against the Prophet Muhammad through increasingly secular writings from the
seventeenth century on—translations, including the Arabian Nights, travel writings, and writings such as Montesquieu’s De l’esprit des lois that used the Orient as a foil for contemporary Europe. The association of Islam with violence derives from the first encounters of Christians with the new faith in the form of conquest, followed by centuries of warfare between imperial states using Islam and Christianity as legitimating ideologies. The role of the Prophet Muhammad as a political and military leader was the opposite of the image of Jesus, whose kingdom was in the next world. The contrast was just as strong when it came to sexuality: as opposed to Jesus’s celibacy, Muhammad had several wives—more than are normally permitted Muslim men by Qur’anic dispensation—and he reportedly enjoyed these relationships sexually and emotionally. From this contrast arose the polemical construction of the Prophet as a sexual libertine, which Christians advanced
as proof of the falseness of the religion he proclaimed.
Although the Christian polemic of sexual licentiousness lives on,2 a transition began in the seventeenth century to secular, seemingly more descriptivewriting of the travel and ethnographic genres, including authors usually regarded as lacking an animus toward their subjects, like Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (1689–1762) and Edward Lane (1801–76). Here the sexual tropes shifted somewhat. Arab women (and, in some of the examples given, other Muslim women as well) began to be described as lascivious and Arab (and other Muslim) men as violent tyrants in their treatment of women. Here I think it is possible to detect a distorted version of a commonplace justification for veiling and sexual segregation, namely, that it contains and protects (male) society from the powerfully disruptive force of women’s sexuality. But in his single-minded focus on the “attitudes and proclivities” brought to the East by Europeans, Hopwood overlooks the possibility of a dialogic relationship between reporters and subjects. It is likely that writers such as Lane and James Augustus St. John (1801–75) were influenced by their (male) Ottoman and upper-class Arab interlocutors. He does note that straight-laced Victorians found the veiled and unapproachable women of the East alluring and that, ccording to a popular theory, a warm climate stimulated the libido. He also shows how these tropes of a sensual East were popularized by operatic works, romantic poetry, and Orientalist painting.
Poets such as Lord Byron (1788–1824) and writers such as Pierre Loti (1850–1923) moved beyond reinforcing these tropes, projecting onto the
East fantasies of personal freedom from the constraints of European culture. Though they wrote about their experiences, the Middle East and North Africa were but a backdrop for self-exploration. Many nineteenth-century travel writers focused on practices that both titillated and repelled bourgeois Europeans: prostitution, dancing girls (including transvestites), slave concubinage, polygyny, homosexuality, and public baths. The belief that prostitution was rampant in the Arab world—that is, more rampant than in Europe—owed much to writers like Gustave Flaubert (1821–80), a noted sexual tourist, and to armies of occupation. Europeans also believed that homosexuality and lesbianism were rampant as a result of the homosocial worlds created by sexual segregation, although it is perhaps doubtful that homosexuality and prostitution would be rampant at the same time. The escapades of some gay writers like André Gide (1869–1951) added to the
association of the East with homosexuality in European minds.
The two concluding chapters take up related topics. One offers a series of short biographical discussions of British officials, soldiers, and writers who lived in the Middle East and had some influence on policy, from Wilfrid Scawan Blunt (1840–1922) to Freya Stark (1893–1993) and beyond. The emphasis is on their sexuality, though Hopwood does not attempt to connect that with their policy making, as his introduction seems to promise.
The only official whose life was fairly mundane in that respect appears to have been Sir John Glubb (1897–1986), who built and led Jordan’s Arab Legion until 1956, though the author manages to intimate that Glubb’s fondness for his Bedouin soldiers was excessive. The final chapter looks at the way that Europeans, especially women, have been portrayed in Arabic literature. Here the tables are turned: the East is represented nearly always by a man and Europe by a seductive woman.
In sum, this is not a work of original scholarship nor of analytical depth. It may serve to introduce novice readers to some of the more common Western misapprehensions about sexuality in the Arab world and some of the travelers, writers, and artists who contributed to them, but it does little to explain these misapprehensions or to suggest whether they might be overcome.

———–

Notes:

1 Judy Mabro, Veiled Halftruths: Western Travellers’ Perceptions of Middle Eastern Women (London: I. B. Tauris, 1991); Billie Melman, Women’s Orients: English Women and the Middle East, 1718–1918 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992); Malek Alloula, The Colonial Harem (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986); Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978); Mohammed Sharafuddin, Islam and Romantic Orientalism: Literary Encounters with the Orient (London: I. B. Tauris, 1994); and Rana Kabbani, Europe’s Myths of Orient: Devise and Rule (London: Macmillan, 1986).
2 In 2002 Pastor Jerry Vines of the First Baptist Church in Jacksonville, Florida, caused a stir by declaring the Prophet to have been a “demon-possessed pedophile.” That accusation may refer to his marriage to Aisha bint Abi Bakr, which was contracted at an early age but not consummated until after she reached puberty, following Arabian custom. Pastor Vines was a past president of the Southern Baptist  Convention.

Arash Hejazi’s paper on Book Censorship in Iran, published by LOGOS Journal: ‘You Don’t Deserve to Be Published’

Citation: Hejazi, Arash, ‘You don’t deserve to be published’ Book Censorship in Iran, LOGOS: The Journal of the World Book Community, Volume 22, Number 1, 2011 , pp. 53-62(10), DOI: 10.1163/095796511X562644

‘Read the rest of the article here: ‘You Don’t Deserve to Be Published: Censorship in Iran’

Censorship is as old as human intellect. It has been practised in almost every country at some level throughout history: from 399 BC, when Socrates was forced to drink poison, to the horrors of the Inquisition, and the oficial coining of the concept with the publication of Index Librorum Prohibitorum by the Roman Catholic Church; from the obligation of English publishers to register their books with the Stationers’ Company in the 16th century until the case of D. H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover; and the Nazi book-burning campaign and the absolute offfijicial control of the governments of the USSR, China, and Eastern European countries over published material.
It has always been a highly controversial issue as well, especially since Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) requested the member states of the UN to enforce freedom of speech in their countries. The concept of censorship has been defijined by various authors and organizations, but no agreed defijinition has yet been given; therefore the term covers a wide range of activities which sometimes overlap with other concepts, such as moderation, regulation, sensitivity, and intervention. However, for the purpose of this research, the term censorship only refers to restrictions imposed by an authority or authoritative body on a creative work, which impedes the availability of the original work to its potential audience prior to or after its publication, or forces the creator to modify or omit parts or all of the work against their free will. Therefore,
editorial intervention does not fijit the criteria, as it can be prevented by the free will of the author. The only exception is self-censorship which can be categorized under censorship by fear; one of the most powerful restrictive tools which may have the power to act as an authoritative body, inflicted by conditions outside the author’s control.
The importance of addressing censorship as an issue becomes more evident when considering that, despite the abolition of most of the traditional and historical tools for imposing restrictions on freedom of speech by the coming of information technology and the internet revolution, it is still being practised, and controls a wide range of the mind’s expressions, including books.
Therefore, it seems that raising awareness towards the consequences of censorship has never been more important since the Enlightenment, and the censorship practised in Iran today is a good example…

‘Read the rest of the article in PDF here: ‘You Don’t Deserve to Be Published: Censorship in Iran’